I was lucky enough to have a visit from my friend the other night. He brought over his 3 year old kiddo who just was a world for fun for me to watch. I finally got to see tons of things from our developmental class right in front of my eyes. I think sometimes we take these normal instances of development for granted and just go on with life, until we are prompted to recall them.
My cats were just a source of wonderment to him. He repeatedly attempted to case them around the house. He used multiple forms of overgeneralization when discussing my cats with me. He would say things like “the white cat has orange feets” or the “white cat runned slower than the grey cat”. (The “white cat” was a source of entertainment as the kiddo was able to actually catch him.) My friends kiddo has pretty good language for his age, but still struggles with irregular verbs and will overgeneralize them. I think we, as adults, often use these moments as functional teaching moments and then move on with life.
When I first was introduced to overgeneralization I only thought of it in the world of Autism as a taught word that then is applied to everything. I have often seen children who would overgeneralize “more” due the word often getting them an increased access to multiple reinforcers. We see this as a problem when a child walks up to you and says “more”, but it unable to tell you what he wants. One of the ways we would use for treatment would be to only teach the child to mand for items and not with the overgeneralized word to promote communication.
Wednesday, December 1, 2010
2nd blog 12-01-10
My father decided he wanted to come to a school function of mine. He was not my custodial parent, and in fact did not live in the same county. He promised my mother that he could get me home from the school function if she dropped me off. My father made the mistake of trusting that I could get him from my school to my home. I was a reasonably bright child, and of course went on that route two times a day, 5 days a week. The total trip from the school to my house was around 10 minutes or 10 miles. Being as I was around 6 years old I will still in the directional form of Piagets’ Spatial reasoning.
After our fun school function my confidence was bursting. I remember feeling so proud that I was going to direct my father to my house like a big girl. One hour later, we still had not made it home. Cell phones were not an option at this time. My poor father stopped off a child’s home that I knew in the middle of nowhere. Upon calling my mom he realized he was around 3 miles from my house. My 6 year old mind had taken him the only way I knew home from school…. the bus route home. I was normally the last kid dropped off. It was a very long trip home! That moment lived on has a family joke for many years.
After our fun school function my confidence was bursting. I remember feeling so proud that I was going to direct my father to my house like a big girl. One hour later, we still had not made it home. Cell phones were not an option at this time. My poor father stopped off a child’s home that I knew in the middle of nowhere. Upon calling my mom he realized he was around 3 miles from my house. My 6 year old mind had taken him the only way I knew home from school…. the bus route home. I was normally the last kid dropped off. It was a very long trip home! That moment lived on has a family joke for many years.
Tuesday, November 9, 2010
Toward a New Understanding of Early Menarche: The Role of Environmental Stress in Pubertal Timing. Wierson et al (1992)
Toward a New Understanding of Early Menarche: The Role of Environmental Stress in Pubertal Timing. Wierson et al (1992)
Missie Fee
11-10-10
The menarche, the beginning of the menstrual cycle, is one of the main indicators of the onset of puberty in females. The onset of puberty can be affected by many factors, and varies across generations, cultures and individuals. Recent research looks at the relationship between biological change, and the organism’s environment such as psychological stressors. This study examines inter-parental conflicts, family stressors, and divorce based on previous research from Belsky, Stienberg, & Draper, 1991.
The focus on the research was on early menarche being adaptive for children who live in environments with family stress such as separated parents and parental conflict. Belsky et al (1991) suggests that early menarche in adolescents can be triggered by environmental stress. Early menstruation in adolescents has been correlated with higher rates of sexual activity and reproduction. This supports Belsky et al’s theory that quality reproduction and nurturing one offspring is more likely to happen in a secure family environment versus multiple offspring in an insecure environment where the offspring is less likely to be successful. The theory looks at this as an adaptive response to a stressful environment. This theory has often been criticized by the scientific community for “its lack of current support, its overreaching conclusions and its classist implications” (298).
The subjects who participated were 71 adolescent girls and their mothers. The subjects ages ranged from 11 years, 5 months to 18 years. 44 families were involved in the study. 27 of the families were divorced. The Myers and Bean (1958) two factor index of social position was used to assess socioeconomic status. Father’s scores were calculated for intact families, whereas the mother’s scores were used for divorced families. All families that participated were Caucasian. Subjects were paid for their participation, and participation was voluntary. All parents who were divorced had to be divorced 12 months prior to the study to participate.
Parental marital status was determined though a single-item questionnaire given to the mother. Overt marital conflict was in the adolescents presence was assessed though the O’Leary-Porter Scale. A Personal Data Form of 30 statements was used to measure the perception of marital conflict of the adolescent. The Pubertal Development Scale was used to assess pubertal status. The adolescents were asked to report what age they started their menstrual cycle, only age of menstruation was used in the study. Age of menstruation was the dependent variable that was being questioned in the study.
The results from the study showed menstruation started significantly earlier in girls from divorced families versus girls from intact families. The results of this study were congruent with Belsky et al (1991). The study reflected that girls from divorced families started menarche 6 months earlier, that stressors in the family environment effected earlier onset of menarche, and that frequent marital conflict is predictive in earlier onset of menarche. The authors of the study discuss that although this does support the theory from Belsky et al (1991), that the data are not in refute with traditional psychological views and research that early menstruation is a stressor. Limitations to the study were discussed by the authors as the study not examining other biological factors to the start of early menarche such as mother’s age of menstruation, nutrition, and weight. Other limitations discussed were that the adolescent’s perception of conflicts and measures of conflict were not always recorded prior to puberty, as well as the father’s absence and role of divorce. Families that participated had been divorced 12 months, and the children were over the age of 10.
I found this article fascinating. I have heard from my own personal work an increase in “precocious puberty” in female children. After reading this article I am curious if an increase in divorce rates correlate with the increase in children menstruating earlier has an adaptive response to their environment. I would love to see if there was a way to connect any further research with this such as rates of divorce and affects on the adolescents’ development.
Missie Fee
11-10-10
The menarche, the beginning of the menstrual cycle, is one of the main indicators of the onset of puberty in females. The onset of puberty can be affected by many factors, and varies across generations, cultures and individuals. Recent research looks at the relationship between biological change, and the organism’s environment such as psychological stressors. This study examines inter-parental conflicts, family stressors, and divorce based on previous research from Belsky, Stienberg, & Draper, 1991.
The focus on the research was on early menarche being adaptive for children who live in environments with family stress such as separated parents and parental conflict. Belsky et al (1991) suggests that early menarche in adolescents can be triggered by environmental stress. Early menstruation in adolescents has been correlated with higher rates of sexual activity and reproduction. This supports Belsky et al’s theory that quality reproduction and nurturing one offspring is more likely to happen in a secure family environment versus multiple offspring in an insecure environment where the offspring is less likely to be successful. The theory looks at this as an adaptive response to a stressful environment. This theory has often been criticized by the scientific community for “its lack of current support, its overreaching conclusions and its classist implications” (298).
The subjects who participated were 71 adolescent girls and their mothers. The subjects ages ranged from 11 years, 5 months to 18 years. 44 families were involved in the study. 27 of the families were divorced. The Myers and Bean (1958) two factor index of social position was used to assess socioeconomic status. Father’s scores were calculated for intact families, whereas the mother’s scores were used for divorced families. All families that participated were Caucasian. Subjects were paid for their participation, and participation was voluntary. All parents who were divorced had to be divorced 12 months prior to the study to participate.
Parental marital status was determined though a single-item questionnaire given to the mother. Overt marital conflict was in the adolescents presence was assessed though the O’Leary-Porter Scale. A Personal Data Form of 30 statements was used to measure the perception of marital conflict of the adolescent. The Pubertal Development Scale was used to assess pubertal status. The adolescents were asked to report what age they started their menstrual cycle, only age of menstruation was used in the study. Age of menstruation was the dependent variable that was being questioned in the study.
The results from the study showed menstruation started significantly earlier in girls from divorced families versus girls from intact families. The results of this study were congruent with Belsky et al (1991). The study reflected that girls from divorced families started menarche 6 months earlier, that stressors in the family environment effected earlier onset of menarche, and that frequent marital conflict is predictive in earlier onset of menarche. The authors of the study discuss that although this does support the theory from Belsky et al (1991), that the data are not in refute with traditional psychological views and research that early menstruation is a stressor. Limitations to the study were discussed by the authors as the study not examining other biological factors to the start of early menarche such as mother’s age of menstruation, nutrition, and weight. Other limitations discussed were that the adolescent’s perception of conflicts and measures of conflict were not always recorded prior to puberty, as well as the father’s absence and role of divorce. Families that participated had been divorced 12 months, and the children were over the age of 10.
I found this article fascinating. I have heard from my own personal work an increase in “precocious puberty” in female children. After reading this article I am curious if an increase in divorce rates correlate with the increase in children menstruating earlier has an adaptive response to their environment. I would love to see if there was a way to connect any further research with this such as rates of divorce and affects on the adolescents’ development.
Tuesday, October 26, 2010
The Role of Age versus Expertise in Peer Collaboration during Joint Planning.
The Role of Age versus Expertise in Peer Collaboration during Joint Planning.
Ruth T. Duran Mary Gauvain (1993)
Missie Fee
10-26-10
This study looks at development of children’s planning skills during joint planning versus effects of age on expertise. The current research in social developing shows correlation between dominance and social status. Children learn by observing how other people solve problems or by getting assistance from other people with whom they work (230). The study looked at observation learning of the “novice”, guidance by the “expert”, and conflict between partners. The study predicted that learning would be affected by the age of the “expert” partner and the involvement of the “novice”. The study found that the reports supported the hypothesis.
Piaget and Vygotsky did not share the same views on the topic of peer collaboration, but shared a similar interest in the topic. Vygotsky focused on children learning though participation and interaction with more mature or skilled partners to stimulate intellectual growth. Piaget’s perspective was that children will tend to agree with the person who has the most power or knowledge, without participating in the problem solving process. Both Vygotsky and Piaget looked at children learning and developing the thinking process though interacting with objects and people, as well as, children being active participants in their environment.
Children who were 5 and 7 year old were given a pretest task, collaborative task, and posttest task. The children were from 3 elementary schools who served middle income populations. Children were assigned the rank or “novice” or “expert”. Children were identified as an “expert” when they were able to complete the pretest successfully within three or less attempts. Children who took more than three attempts were considered a “novice”. The interactional process was measured by observational learning, guidance by the expert, and conflict. Conflict was defined as disagreement about handling of the task, choice, and arrangement. The amount of time the novice spends observing the expert at the task is observational learning. Physical intervention, positive support, and directions was considered guidance by the expert. Analysis of variance or ANOVA was used to compare the results.
This study supports Vygotsky’s theory that “cognitive development may benefit from opportunities available in social context” (237). The study showed that children learning better when learning with an expert of the same age or an expert who was older. This is interesting when looking at how children will learn from peers when socially interacting across all environments. Mechanics in social interactions can promote or impede cognitive growth. Children have many opportunities for learning, such as play, and will exhibit these behaviors of observational learning and conflict resolution in their natural environments, not just in more structured environments such as school. I am hoping to catch this behavior when observing my niece and nephews naturally occurring though their interactions with other peers.
Ruth T. Duran Mary Gauvain (1993)
Missie Fee
10-26-10
This study looks at development of children’s planning skills during joint planning versus effects of age on expertise. The current research in social developing shows correlation between dominance and social status. Children learn by observing how other people solve problems or by getting assistance from other people with whom they work (230). The study looked at observation learning of the “novice”, guidance by the “expert”, and conflict between partners. The study predicted that learning would be affected by the age of the “expert” partner and the involvement of the “novice”. The study found that the reports supported the hypothesis.
Piaget and Vygotsky did not share the same views on the topic of peer collaboration, but shared a similar interest in the topic. Vygotsky focused on children learning though participation and interaction with more mature or skilled partners to stimulate intellectual growth. Piaget’s perspective was that children will tend to agree with the person who has the most power or knowledge, without participating in the problem solving process. Both Vygotsky and Piaget looked at children learning and developing the thinking process though interacting with objects and people, as well as, children being active participants in their environment.
Children who were 5 and 7 year old were given a pretest task, collaborative task, and posttest task. The children were from 3 elementary schools who served middle income populations. Children were assigned the rank or “novice” or “expert”. Children were identified as an “expert” when they were able to complete the pretest successfully within three or less attempts. Children who took more than three attempts were considered a “novice”. The interactional process was measured by observational learning, guidance by the expert, and conflict. Conflict was defined as disagreement about handling of the task, choice, and arrangement. The amount of time the novice spends observing the expert at the task is observational learning. Physical intervention, positive support, and directions was considered guidance by the expert. Analysis of variance or ANOVA was used to compare the results.
This study supports Vygotsky’s theory that “cognitive development may benefit from opportunities available in social context” (237). The study showed that children learning better when learning with an expert of the same age or an expert who was older. This is interesting when looking at how children will learn from peers when socially interacting across all environments. Mechanics in social interactions can promote or impede cognitive growth. Children have many opportunities for learning, such as play, and will exhibit these behaviors of observational learning and conflict resolution in their natural environments, not just in more structured environments such as school. I am hoping to catch this behavior when observing my niece and nephews naturally occurring though their interactions with other peers.
Tuesday, October 12, 2010
Gender and Group Process: A Developmental Perspective, Eleanor E Maccoby, (2002)
Gender and Group Process: A Developmental Perspective, Eleanor E Maccoby, (2002)
Missie Fee
10-12-10
How do gender differences in human behavior originate? Gender differences have been studied by physiologists for generations. Typically research has been focused on the individual. Recent study has been focused on children group interactions, socialization within the groups, activity, and gender make up of the group structure. The author of this article explores organization of gender related behaviors and the role of social relationships in development.
The article defines gender identify as the “core element in the developing sense of self” (Maccoby, 2002, p. 200), and the “acquisition of these sex-distinctive characteristics as sex typing” (Maccoby, 2002, p. 200). Research often focuses on why and how the process of sex typing occurs. In earlier research the emphasis on the family and social pressures to shape the child towards personality, interests and “sex-appropriate” behaviors to help strengthen gender identity.
The article discusses that research on the individual have not been successful due to social context, and the connections of these differences to presumed antecedent factors. “Only weak and inconsistent connections have been found between within- family socialization practices and children’s sex-typed behavior (Ruble & Martin, 1998).
Current research looks at interaction process, socialization functions of childhood in social groupings, and how gender is implicated in the formation. In this article the group is taken as the unit of analysis. Children elicit certain behaviors that are not normally in the repertoire of the child when alone while in social groups. The author looks at children choosing same sex playmates, when not monitored by adults, as early as the age of 3. Children’s friendships well into adolescence are also predominantly same sex relationships. Girls tend to split into smaller groupings of 2 or 3 and work towards a joint goal, where as boys tend to be in larger groups that play more organized group games. Playtime with boys tends to be rougher and more competitive. Playtime for girls tends to be reciprocal. Friendships within girls are intimate, where girls share more information about their lives. Friendship with in boys is less intimate and based more upon shared activities. The article further discuses that gender is socially constructed though the nature of the subculture each sex chooses to construct. The more time each sex spent with their own sex, the greater the increase of such behaviors such as activity level and “rough play” with boys increased, and more time with girls lead to decreasing activity level and aggression. New work points values, interests, and sex-typed behaviors being shaped by same sex peers.
Many parents have attempted to make their households gender neutral and have often been “stumped” by their child’s behaviors of still choosing “gender typical” sex-type toys and play. This may answer some of parents questions as to why their “male son who has no toy guns at home, is using his doll as a gun during make believe play”. If I had a child, I would attempt to make my children's toys more gender neutral, so that my child explores many different types of toys and play. It is interesting for me to know, that my child will most likely be drawn to more “sex-appropriate” behaviors while in a group during social interactions with others. As a child, I was often described as a “tom boy” who would prefer to play active games with boys. Was this reinforced socially by the amount of time I spent playing high level activity games with boys? As adults how does this affect us? When I look around the world, I still see predominantly boys hanging out with boys and girls hanging out with girls. Take our ABA classroom for instance; even with the few males who are in the class, most have at least one male sitting beside them in close proximity. Are we all just big kids?
Missie Fee
10-12-10
How do gender differences in human behavior originate? Gender differences have been studied by physiologists for generations. Typically research has been focused on the individual. Recent study has been focused on children group interactions, socialization within the groups, activity, and gender make up of the group structure. The author of this article explores organization of gender related behaviors and the role of social relationships in development.
The article defines gender identify as the “core element in the developing sense of self” (Maccoby, 2002, p. 200), and the “acquisition of these sex-distinctive characteristics as sex typing” (Maccoby, 2002, p. 200). Research often focuses on why and how the process of sex typing occurs. In earlier research the emphasis on the family and social pressures to shape the child towards personality, interests and “sex-appropriate” behaviors to help strengthen gender identity.
The article discusses that research on the individual have not been successful due to social context, and the connections of these differences to presumed antecedent factors. “Only weak and inconsistent connections have been found between within- family socialization practices and children’s sex-typed behavior (Ruble & Martin, 1998).
Current research looks at interaction process, socialization functions of childhood in social groupings, and how gender is implicated in the formation. In this article the group is taken as the unit of analysis. Children elicit certain behaviors that are not normally in the repertoire of the child when alone while in social groups. The author looks at children choosing same sex playmates, when not monitored by adults, as early as the age of 3. Children’s friendships well into adolescence are also predominantly same sex relationships. Girls tend to split into smaller groupings of 2 or 3 and work towards a joint goal, where as boys tend to be in larger groups that play more organized group games. Playtime with boys tends to be rougher and more competitive. Playtime for girls tends to be reciprocal. Friendships within girls are intimate, where girls share more information about their lives. Friendship with in boys is less intimate and based more upon shared activities. The article further discuses that gender is socially constructed though the nature of the subculture each sex chooses to construct. The more time each sex spent with their own sex, the greater the increase of such behaviors such as activity level and “rough play” with boys increased, and more time with girls lead to decreasing activity level and aggression. New work points values, interests, and sex-typed behaviors being shaped by same sex peers.
Many parents have attempted to make their households gender neutral and have often been “stumped” by their child’s behaviors of still choosing “gender typical” sex-type toys and play. This may answer some of parents questions as to why their “male son who has no toy guns at home, is using his doll as a gun during make believe play”. If I had a child, I would attempt to make my children's toys more gender neutral, so that my child explores many different types of toys and play. It is interesting for me to know, that my child will most likely be drawn to more “sex-appropriate” behaviors while in a group during social interactions with others. As a child, I was often described as a “tom boy” who would prefer to play active games with boys. Was this reinforced socially by the amount of time I spent playing high level activity games with boys? As adults how does this affect us? When I look around the world, I still see predominantly boys hanging out with boys and girls hanging out with girls. Take our ABA classroom for instance; even with the few males who are in the class, most have at least one male sitting beside them in close proximity. Are we all just big kids?
Tuesday, September 21, 2010
Temperament and the Reactions to Unfamiliarity, Jerome Kagan (1997)
Temperament and the Reactions to Unfamiliarity, Jerome Kagan (1997)
Review 9-21-10
In the article the author looks at aspects of behavior, or temperament, in infant’s response to caregivers though regularity, tempo, and emotional vigor. The article defines temperament as “the way an individual behaves”, and reports it is evident early in life. Temperament relates to behaviors across a wide range of situations and the article reports there is some evident that certain aspects of temperament might be inherited such as emotionality, activity and sociability. All vertebrates exhibit basic phenomena of having behavioral reactions to unfamiliar events. This has lead to interest by developmental psychologists. The author is attempting to study what has been learned about two temperamental types of children and their reactions to different ways of unfamiliarity.
462 healthy Caucasian, middle class, 16 week old infants were used in the study. “Highly reactive” infants in the study were defined by their reactions of becoming distressed when presentations of brightly colored toys were moved in front of their faces, cotton swabs dipped in dilute butyl alcohol applied to their nose and tape recordings of voices speaking brief sentences. 20% of the population was labeled as “highly reactive” and the 40% who remained relaxed were labeled as “low reactive”.
The infants were again introduced to stimuli at 14 to 21 months. One third of the 73 “high reactive” infants were highly fearful and only 3% showed minimal fear at both ages. One third of the 147 “low reactive” were minimally fearful at both ages and only 4% displayed high levels of fear, by contrast. High reactive children showed greater sympathetic reactivity in the cardiovascular system than the low reactive in the first 2 years.
The children gained control of their crying and reflex to retreat from unfamiliar events and only shoed these responses to dangerous events, which were not easily or ethical to create in a laboratory around 4 or 5 years. The children were interviewed at 4 and half years by an unfamiliar female examiner who was blind to their previous behavior. The “high reactive” children exhibited less significant smiles, 62 “high reactive” children talked and smiled significantly less often than the 94 “low reactive”, and male high reactive children had significantly higher resting heart rates then did the low reactive. Spontaneous comments and smiles were positively correlated. The article reports that high reactive children will be at a higher risk to develop anxiety disorders later in life during adulthood or adolescents. The article also discusses social class; “low reactive” children who are reared in homes where antisocial behavior is socialized may become candidates for delinquency.
The article also looks at the relation between psychological and biological constructs. Variation levels in hormones may accompanied by differences in the intensity and form of responsiveness to unfamiliarity. The difference in “high and low reactive” is interpreted as reflecting variation in the amygdala and its interactions with the hypothalamus, medulla, central gray, cingulated, and ventral striatum.
This article illustrates important points about development such as biological based tendencies with cognitive, emotional and social aspects of growth. The article reports that “4 month old infants who show a low threshold to become distressed are motorically aroused to unfamiliar stimuli are more likely than others to become fearful and subdued during early childhood, whereas infants who show a high arousal threshold are more likely to become bold and sociable.” As a reader, I am interested to see follow up studies on this. Would it be possible to study the children’s children from the study e.g. could we see if one could link high arousal children to having high arousal children? Another interesting idea for follow up research would be paired with neuroscience and the amygdala, due to research pointing towards it as storing fear memories. This article communicates to me that behaviors for survival can be stored and passed down for the survival of the species though evolution.
Review 9-21-10
In the article the author looks at aspects of behavior, or temperament, in infant’s response to caregivers though regularity, tempo, and emotional vigor. The article defines temperament as “the way an individual behaves”, and reports it is evident early in life. Temperament relates to behaviors across a wide range of situations and the article reports there is some evident that certain aspects of temperament might be inherited such as emotionality, activity and sociability. All vertebrates exhibit basic phenomena of having behavioral reactions to unfamiliar events. This has lead to interest by developmental psychologists. The author is attempting to study what has been learned about two temperamental types of children and their reactions to different ways of unfamiliarity.
462 healthy Caucasian, middle class, 16 week old infants were used in the study. “Highly reactive” infants in the study were defined by their reactions of becoming distressed when presentations of brightly colored toys were moved in front of their faces, cotton swabs dipped in dilute butyl alcohol applied to their nose and tape recordings of voices speaking brief sentences. 20% of the population was labeled as “highly reactive” and the 40% who remained relaxed were labeled as “low reactive”.
The infants were again introduced to stimuli at 14 to 21 months. One third of the 73 “high reactive” infants were highly fearful and only 3% showed minimal fear at both ages. One third of the 147 “low reactive” were minimally fearful at both ages and only 4% displayed high levels of fear, by contrast. High reactive children showed greater sympathetic reactivity in the cardiovascular system than the low reactive in the first 2 years.
The children gained control of their crying and reflex to retreat from unfamiliar events and only shoed these responses to dangerous events, which were not easily or ethical to create in a laboratory around 4 or 5 years. The children were interviewed at 4 and half years by an unfamiliar female examiner who was blind to their previous behavior. The “high reactive” children exhibited less significant smiles, 62 “high reactive” children talked and smiled significantly less often than the 94 “low reactive”, and male high reactive children had significantly higher resting heart rates then did the low reactive. Spontaneous comments and smiles were positively correlated. The article reports that high reactive children will be at a higher risk to develop anxiety disorders later in life during adulthood or adolescents. The article also discusses social class; “low reactive” children who are reared in homes where antisocial behavior is socialized may become candidates for delinquency.
The article also looks at the relation between psychological and biological constructs. Variation levels in hormones may accompanied by differences in the intensity and form of responsiveness to unfamiliarity. The difference in “high and low reactive” is interpreted as reflecting variation in the amygdala and its interactions with the hypothalamus, medulla, central gray, cingulated, and ventral striatum.
This article illustrates important points about development such as biological based tendencies with cognitive, emotional and social aspects of growth. The article reports that “4 month old infants who show a low threshold to become distressed are motorically aroused to unfamiliar stimuli are more likely than others to become fearful and subdued during early childhood, whereas infants who show a high arousal threshold are more likely to become bold and sociable.” As a reader, I am interested to see follow up studies on this. Would it be possible to study the children’s children from the study e.g. could we see if one could link high arousal children to having high arousal children? Another interesting idea for follow up research would be paired with neuroscience and the amygdala, due to research pointing towards it as storing fear memories. This article communicates to me that behaviors for survival can be stored and passed down for the survival of the species though evolution.
Tuesday, September 7, 2010
Culture and Early Infancy Among Central African Foragers and Farmers Hewlett et al 1998 Article Review 9-8-10
Culture and Early Infancy Among Central African Foragers and Farmers
Hewlett et al 1998
Article Review 9-8-10
This article is based on the research of a group of developmental psychologists, Hewlett, Lamb, Shannon, Leyendecker and Scholmerich, and the observed the behaviors of two communities, the Ngandu and the Aka, and how the adults cared for the infants. The two communities were of interest to them due to the socioeconomic similarities; both are small communities and have little consumerism. The two communities differ in how they obtain food and other necessities for life. The Ngandu are farmers who do not move their settlements. The Ngandu are “slash and burn” farmers with marked gender, intergenerational inequality, and stronger chiefs. The Aka are hunter gatherers or foragers who move their settlements. The Aka move their camps several times a year, have high gender and intergenerational egalitarianism and have minimal political hierarchy. The study focused on variability in infant care in small scale or transitional non western cultures.
Hewlett and his colleges observed the daily living activities, caregiving behaviors, and interactions between the child and parent such as physical affection, vocalizing, holding, face to face contact, fussing and smiling. Two groups of infants 3-4 months old and 9-10 month olds were observed. 20 Aka 3-4 month olds, 20 Aka 9-10 month olds, 21 Ngandu 3-4 month olds, and 20 Ngandu 9-10 month olds. The children were observed 3 hours on 4 different days so that all 12 daylight hours were covered. Thirteen of the Aka 3 month olds, 12 of the Ngandu 3 month olds, 9 of the Aka 9 month olds, and 12 of the Ngandu 9 month old were boys. 14 of the 9-10 month old (6 Aka), and Six of the 3-4 month olds (3 Aka, 3 Ngandu) were first borne. 20% of the Aka and Ngandue fathers in both age categories studied had more than one wife. None of the Aka engaged in a cash economy or had a formal education. The Aka parents engaged in subsistence activities during the observations. The Ngandu women and men engaged in subsistence and market activities but none had employment outside of the home. Several of the Ngandu women, and most of the men had received some elementary education. The families completed their daily living activities while being observed. The observations happened during both the rainy and dry seasons. The observed sampled the parents and childrens dyadic behaviors as well as location, position, and identity of the adult near, holding or caring for the infant during a 45 minute period. Data was observed for 20 s and 10s for recording.
The article discussed the differences pervious research from LeVine (1974, 1989, 1994) when caring for a child among different cultures as an environmental factor. The article reports that Children who are born in urban- industrial or pedagogical cultures tend to have parents who focus on active engagement, stimulation, and social exchange. Children cost more, and contribute less to their society. Parents tend to focus more on cognitive skills as the mortality rate of infants is lower. The article reports that children who live in an agrarian or pediatric society are more focused on physical development, survival and health of the child due to higher infant mortality rates. Agrarian parents tend to respond quicker to fussing, feed their infants on demand and keep their children in closer proximity.
The two communities experience a high infant mortality rate, observe each other frequently and have associated with each other for generations. The researchers feel as though this should create more similarities between responsiveness to fussing, frequency of breastfeeding and that both cultures have had the opportunity to learn from each other and modify their child care behaviors.
The article observes the work load of caregivers in different cultures and the effects upon child caregiving, daily activities, and interactions between the child and parent. The article reports the interactions between the communities.
The Aka focus on sharing. They share with many people in many households daily and there is greater age and gender egalitarianism. The Aka live in camps of 25-35 made up of blood relation or married persons. Aka houses are made by women. The men, women and children cooperatively hunt with nets. The men attempt to chase game into the net, while the women stay close to the net and tackle animals once they are trapped. Men and women contribute equally. The Aka’s substance system involves “immediate returns”, which can foster more sharing within the community as there is less invested.
The Aka infants are fed more frequently, adult interactions are more proximal, and are held closer than the Ngandu infants by their caregivers. The Aka caregivers are more likely to respond to each fuss or cry by soothing the infant. The data discusses that the Aka holding their baby has a higher energy cost, as the mothers are pygmies, are shorter and lighter than the Ngandu women. The Aka infants are held almost all the time, and this may explain why the infants sleep more than the Ngandu.
The Ngandu households have marked inequality and some sharing between household with elderly and men receiving move than others. The Ngandu live in communities of around 100 to 400 people. Ngandu women are primary providers who plan, weed, harvest, and prepare meals. The men clean, and burn plantations. The Ngandu are actively engaged in a local cash economy, many are small scale merchants. The workload of the ngandu mothers appears to be greater than the Aka, as well as the substance system is described as “delayed returns”.
The articles statistical analysis reports that the Ngandu adult infant interactions were more distal and became more pronounced in late infancy. The Ngandu infants were less likely to be left to fuss or cry. The Ngandu stimulate their infants more by using distal behaviors. Ngandu infants are held half as frequently as Aka infants. Ngandu infants thus fuss, cry, smile and vocalize to maintain and attract their parent’s attention. The parents will vocalize and stimulate their infants in return.
I find it interesting that this study has followed LeVine’s research while still having subtle variances in environments, social interactions of community members, hierarchy, economy, and outcomes within the two communities which have affected the children’s development and interactions with the parents.
Hewlett et al 1998
Article Review 9-8-10
This article is based on the research of a group of developmental psychologists, Hewlett, Lamb, Shannon, Leyendecker and Scholmerich, and the observed the behaviors of two communities, the Ngandu and the Aka, and how the adults cared for the infants. The two communities were of interest to them due to the socioeconomic similarities; both are small communities and have little consumerism. The two communities differ in how they obtain food and other necessities for life. The Ngandu are farmers who do not move their settlements. The Ngandu are “slash and burn” farmers with marked gender, intergenerational inequality, and stronger chiefs. The Aka are hunter gatherers or foragers who move their settlements. The Aka move their camps several times a year, have high gender and intergenerational egalitarianism and have minimal political hierarchy. The study focused on variability in infant care in small scale or transitional non western cultures.
Hewlett and his colleges observed the daily living activities, caregiving behaviors, and interactions between the child and parent such as physical affection, vocalizing, holding, face to face contact, fussing and smiling. Two groups of infants 3-4 months old and 9-10 month olds were observed. 20 Aka 3-4 month olds, 20 Aka 9-10 month olds, 21 Ngandu 3-4 month olds, and 20 Ngandu 9-10 month olds. The children were observed 3 hours on 4 different days so that all 12 daylight hours were covered. Thirteen of the Aka 3 month olds, 12 of the Ngandu 3 month olds, 9 of the Aka 9 month olds, and 12 of the Ngandu 9 month old were boys. 14 of the 9-10 month old (6 Aka), and Six of the 3-4 month olds (3 Aka, 3 Ngandu) were first borne. 20% of the Aka and Ngandue fathers in both age categories studied had more than one wife. None of the Aka engaged in a cash economy or had a formal education. The Aka parents engaged in subsistence activities during the observations. The Ngandu women and men engaged in subsistence and market activities but none had employment outside of the home. Several of the Ngandu women, and most of the men had received some elementary education. The families completed their daily living activities while being observed. The observations happened during both the rainy and dry seasons. The observed sampled the parents and childrens dyadic behaviors as well as location, position, and identity of the adult near, holding or caring for the infant during a 45 minute period. Data was observed for 20 s and 10s for recording.
The article discussed the differences pervious research from LeVine (1974, 1989, 1994) when caring for a child among different cultures as an environmental factor. The article reports that Children who are born in urban- industrial or pedagogical cultures tend to have parents who focus on active engagement, stimulation, and social exchange. Children cost more, and contribute less to their society. Parents tend to focus more on cognitive skills as the mortality rate of infants is lower. The article reports that children who live in an agrarian or pediatric society are more focused on physical development, survival and health of the child due to higher infant mortality rates. Agrarian parents tend to respond quicker to fussing, feed their infants on demand and keep their children in closer proximity.
The two communities experience a high infant mortality rate, observe each other frequently and have associated with each other for generations. The researchers feel as though this should create more similarities between responsiveness to fussing, frequency of breastfeeding and that both cultures have had the opportunity to learn from each other and modify their child care behaviors.
The article observes the work load of caregivers in different cultures and the effects upon child caregiving, daily activities, and interactions between the child and parent. The article reports the interactions between the communities.
The Aka focus on sharing. They share with many people in many households daily and there is greater age and gender egalitarianism. The Aka live in camps of 25-35 made up of blood relation or married persons. Aka houses are made by women. The men, women and children cooperatively hunt with nets. The men attempt to chase game into the net, while the women stay close to the net and tackle animals once they are trapped. Men and women contribute equally. The Aka’s substance system involves “immediate returns”, which can foster more sharing within the community as there is less invested.
The Aka infants are fed more frequently, adult interactions are more proximal, and are held closer than the Ngandu infants by their caregivers. The Aka caregivers are more likely to respond to each fuss or cry by soothing the infant. The data discusses that the Aka holding their baby has a higher energy cost, as the mothers are pygmies, are shorter and lighter than the Ngandu women. The Aka infants are held almost all the time, and this may explain why the infants sleep more than the Ngandu.
The Ngandu households have marked inequality and some sharing between household with elderly and men receiving move than others. The Ngandu live in communities of around 100 to 400 people. Ngandu women are primary providers who plan, weed, harvest, and prepare meals. The men clean, and burn plantations. The Ngandu are actively engaged in a local cash economy, many are small scale merchants. The workload of the ngandu mothers appears to be greater than the Aka, as well as the substance system is described as “delayed returns”.
The articles statistical analysis reports that the Ngandu adult infant interactions were more distal and became more pronounced in late infancy. The Ngandu infants were less likely to be left to fuss or cry. The Ngandu stimulate their infants more by using distal behaviors. Ngandu infants are held half as frequently as Aka infants. Ngandu infants thus fuss, cry, smile and vocalize to maintain and attract their parent’s attention. The parents will vocalize and stimulate their infants in return.
I find it interesting that this study has followed LeVine’s research while still having subtle variances in environments, social interactions of community members, hierarchy, economy, and outcomes within the two communities which have affected the children’s development and interactions with the parents.
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